The Trump administration released its National Security Science and Technology Strategy (hereinafter referred to as NSSTS) on August 18, 2026. If you think this is a document that the American administration releases annually, you would be wrong. The last time a document bearing this title was released by the White House was in 1995 by the Clinton Administration. Other intervening administrations incorporated this in either the National Security Strategy itself or in the form of standalone memos.
So, you might ask what was the provocation for such a document after a long gap. The answer is predictable: People’s Republic of China! The present document highlights the importance of leadership in emerging technologies and warns of losing the advantage to China.
The American objective is clear: It wants to remain the world’s most scientifically and technogically advanced/innovative country and to build upon this strength. However, the NSSTS recognizes that American leadership in S&T is being challenged by potenial adversaries that are investing heavily in advanced technology development and military applications. The document also states clearly that potential adversaries seek asymmetric capabilities to counter US military superiority as well as steal US intellectual property. It also acknowledges that potential adversaries seek to disrupt supply chains and infrastructure including by controlling the extraction, refining, export and manufacturing of critical minerals.
To tackle the above, the NSSTS sets out four pillars of scientific and technological development as it pertains to national security. The first pillar entitled, “Focusing Techno-Strategic Competition” describes the importance of maintaining and advancing US technlogical advantage on the battlefield specifically three priority areas: undersea, space and Artificial Intelligence. The document also emphasizes the need to use technology to counter strategic threats to the homeland such as the “Golden Dome” among other things. The second pillar ” Building Technological Resilience” focuses on developing preemptive resilience in technological systems critical to national security. The document emphasizes that in order to achieve this objective, the US must lead on transformative emerging technologies and keeping foreign adversaries out of critical technology systems and supply chains. In other words, technology denial regime will be the preferred option for the US. Potentially transformative emerging technologies include, but are not limited to: AI & Autonomy, Biotechology and Quantum information technologies. The third pillar ” Accelerate the Pace of Innovation” outlines how to maintain the American advantage in emerging technologies by accelerating research and development through, inter alia, removing regulatory barriers, incentivizing research and reforming the defence acquisition process. The final pillar ” Protect National Security Science & Technology” specifically calls out China as a threat and proposes to protect critical science and technology through increased scrutiny of foreign investments, companies, and personnel involved in the research and development process. The NSSTS for instance seeks to prohibit fundamental research funding to high-risk entities, including companies
on the section 1260H list of Chinese military companies operating in the United States.
The NSSTS also dwells on implementation of the above strategy. It talks of strengthening education and training in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) at all levels, update R&D infrastructure as well as augment R&D funding. Cooperation with allies and partners is mentioned for what it is worth.
A final appendix lists the latest and updated critical emerging technologies, a list that is extremely useful for the uninitiated.
In March 2026, China released its 15th Five Year Plan (FYP). The 15th FYP calls for “extraordinary measures” to reduce China’s reliance on foreign S&T and strengthen China’s S&T self-reliance and independent innovation capacity. It emphasizes indigenous innovation as the core driver of
China’s development, a direction that its leaders first set out in 2006. Chinese indigenous innovation can involve the acquisition of foreign technologies that are then adapted and rebranded as Chinese capabilities; China uses foreign commercial and research ties to fill capability gaps in
advancing national goals. The FYP focuses on boosting Chinese capabilities to build self-reliance in areas in which it currently depends on the United States, Europe, and Japan, including aircraft; agriculture; advanced equipment, instruments, and tools; energy; gas turbines; software; and
semiconductors. The Chinese targets and priorities are: (1) Accelerating development in semiconductors, aerospace, biomedicine, novel energy storage and smart robots; (2) Cutlivating beakthrough technologies such as quantum computing, biomanufacturing, hydrogen and nuclear fusion energy, brain-computer interfaces, embodied AI and 6G; (3) Targeting annual growth in society-wide R&D spending above 7 per cent to support the entire domestic innovation chain and (4) Moving past isolated tech breakthroughs to full-chain industrial synergy, particularly in home-grown chip manufactuing, foundational software and advanced materials.
There you have it! All this points to a full-fledged battle for tech supremacy between an established superpower and an emerging one, the outcome of which may well decide the fate of humanity.
Dr Mohan Kumar is a former Indian Ambassador to France and currently Dean/Professor at OP Jindal Global University. He is also the inaugural Director General of the newly established Motwani Jadeja Institute for American Studies. Views are personal.
Diplomacy and Geopolitics 