It has been suggested from time to time that India, an emerging if not a global power, must issue a National Security Strategy (NSS). It is understood that a classified, internal document approximating a NSS exists for policy makers. But that is not the same as an unclassified version which is available for the wider public. While there has been understandable reluctance on the part of the authorities to do so, nothing prevents others from doing it. This is an initial attempt to do so. For ease of understanding, there are three sections: objectives, principles and strategy.
Objectives
There can be little doubt that the most important objective of any national security strategy is to protect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of India. Equally, protection of its citizens and advancing their interests is a no-brainer. This requires a modern military on both the continental and the maritime sphere. What is perhaps less understood is that economic security is of paramount importance. Lifting millions of people from poverty, giving them jobs and providing them substantial access to affordable health, housing and education is an imperative necessity. The Indian economy which is a 4 trillion dollar one must therefore become a 10 trillion one with a relatively high per capita income which will put us in the bracket of an upper middle-income country. Only this and this alone can enable India to become Viksit Bharat by 2047. A multipolar world order with a fairer distribution of power is preferable, for obvious reasons.
Principles
At one level, the oft-repeated expression “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” can guide foreign and security policy. But this is more like motherhood and apple pie, to which no one can object. More specifically, India has always subscribed to some unexceptionable principles when it comes to practicing its foreign and security policy. One is the sovereign equality of nations. India has always believed that no matter how big or small, rich or poor, all countries are equal and their sovereignty must be respected in accordance with international law and the UN Charter. Second, non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign and independent countries. Third, a clear preference for dialogue and peaceful resolution of issues rather than the use of force. Fourth, India has always favoured international cooperation to deal with global challenges such as climate change and public health. Fifth, India has been long committed to multilateralism and to the ideals of institutions like the United Nations, even while flagging the need for fundamental reform. Sixth, India has striven to be the voice of the Global South wherever it can, articulating its priorities and negotiating on its behalf. Seventh, there is no question that technology, AI and Quantum computing will drive the economy of the world. India believes that technology and AI must be accessible, open and non-discriminatory. Eighth, India still favours the goal of global nuclear disarmament, no matter how unrealistic that may sound today. Ninth, the war against terrorism must be a principled and unconditional one; there are no good terrorists and bad terrorists. Tenth and last, India has benefitted enormously from globalization. The importance of free trade, open markets for our goods and services, access to rare earths, foreign direct investment and the legal migration of our citizens across borders cannot be overstated. This also entails open sea lanes of communication as well as safe undersea cables.
Strategy
It is accepted that strategic autonomy practiced through a foreign policy based on multi-alignment has stood India in good stead. The distinction between strategic autonomy and strategic hedging is worth underlining. The former is about securing valuable policy space. The latter is about using the space so acquired, judiciously, to advance national interest.
Based on the above broad framework, the foreign and security strategy of India regarding major powers and regions are delineated below.
It should be obvious that those who contest the sovereignty and territorial integrity of India must be considered the main strategic threat for India. China, because of its various territorial claims on the border and particularly the one relating to Arunachal Pradesh, is an obvious candidate in this regard. Because the comprehensive national power differential between China and India is huge, India has no choice but to engage in both internal balancing and external balancing for the foreseeable future. The former relates to building serious internal capacity and the latter relates to building alliances with major powers. However, constructive engagement with China is not merely an option for India; it is an imperative.
The other country which falls in the threat category is of course Pakistan which may not be a pacing threat anymore but a serious rogue threat, nevertheless.
“Neighbourhood First” policy, thoughtful as it is, is work in progress. Bangladesh may prove to be a bellwether in this regard.
In terms of the 42 strategic partnerships that India has, the USA continues to be the most important one despite recent setbacks. One hears talk about trust being broken, but diplomacy is unsentimental and about permanent interests. The decision by the US to do away with the punitive tariffs and reduce the reciprocal tariffs, has not come a day too soon. It now remains for both sides to work hard to regain the time lost and to realize the full potential of the most consequential strategic partnership of the twenty-first century.
Russia will remain a strategic partner for India in its own right. But the war in Ukraine is a drag on ties and Russia must do everything to end it as quickly as possible.
EU is critical for India, and both share a fundamental conviction about multipolarity in the world order. The recently concluded FTA (Free Trade Agreement) and the Security & Defence Partnership between India and the EU is a paradigmatic shift in this regard. Both the EU and India do fancy themselves in pole position in a multipolar world. EU may be an economic giant, but a geopolitical minnow. India faces a different problem: its economic heft has simply not kept pace with its rising geopolitical clout. Can the EU and India help each other achieve their full potential?
Japan and Australia are not just part of the Quad but provide fulcrum points for India’s Act East policy. South Korea will remain a crucial trade and investment partner of India. ASEAN centrality is work in progress. GCC countries are vital for India’s prosperity.
Finally, India cannot afford to ignore Africa and Latin America in the medium to long term.
The above list is not exhaustive but meant as a starting point for India’s National Security Strategy. It is about time the country had a debate.
Dr Mohan Kumar is a former Indian Ambassador to France and currently Dean/Professor at OP Jindal Global University. Views are personal.
Diplomacy and Geopolitics 